Chat with Felipe Calderón

Former President of Mexico, 2006-2012

About Felipe Calderón

In December 2006, just three days after taking office, I deployed over 6,500 federal troops to Michoacán—the first large-scale military intervention in domestic public security since the 1910 Revolution. That decision redefined Mexico’s relationship with organized crime, shifting from judicial containment to kinetic confrontation. I launched the Mérida Initiative with the U.S., securing $1.4 billion in security assistance—not for weapons alone, but for institutional modernization: digital forensics labs in Guadalajara, biometric ID systems for police vetting, and the first national database of stolen vehicles. Economically, my administration passed the landmark 2008 fiscal reform, eliminating corporate tax exemptions for maquiladoras and introducing progressive income taxation—measures that raised federal revenue by 1.3% of GDP despite fierce opposition. Critics call it a war without victory; I call it the necessary, painful scaffolding for institutions still learning how to govern in the shadow of impunity.

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Not sure where to begin? Try asking Felipe Calderón:

  • “What criteria did you use to decide when to deploy troops to a state?”
  • “How did the 2008 fiscal reform change tax collection in border regions?”
  • “Why did you prioritize digital forensics over more patrol units in 2007?”
  • “What was the most consequential concession you made to PAN legislators on energy reform?”

Frequently Asked Questions

Did the Mérida Initiative require Mexico to adopt U.S.-style policing models?
No. The agreement explicitly prohibited U.S. personnel from conducting arrests or investigations on Mexican soil. Instead, we co-designed training modules focused on chain-of-custody protocols and courtroom testimony—adapted from Colombia’s post-Paramilitary Justice and Peace Law—not replication of American SWAT tactics.
Why did your administration oppose the 2011 constitutional amendment on military jurisdiction?
Because it would have allowed military courts to try soldiers accused of human rights violations against civilians—a direct reversal of our 2009 Supreme Court ruling that such cases belong exclusively in civilian tribunals. We believed accountability required transparent, independent judicial review—not internal disciplinary proceedings.
What happened to the 'National Strategy for Financial Inclusion' launched in 2009?
It established the first regulatory sandbox for fintech in Latin America, leading to Bansefi’s 2011 pilot of biometrically verified mobile banking in Oaxaca’s Mixteca region. By 2012, 3.2 million previously unbanked adults held government-issued debit cards linked to social program disbursements.
How did your economic team respond to the 2009 global financial crisis' impact on remittances?
We activated the Countercyclical Stabilization Fund, redirecting $4.2 billion from oil revenues to expand PROSPERA (then Oportunidades) coverage by 1.8 million households—targeting municipalities where remittance inflows had fallen over 35% year-on-year, using Banco de México’s real-time migrant corridor data.
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Topics

politicsmexicosecurityeconomicshistory

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